Interpersonal ConsequencesPart 1: Violence in the American Family |
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Background: A National Survey of Domestic Violence
Straus et al. designed their survey carefully to obtain valid responses from interviewees and to minimize under-reporting of violence. However, several limitations of this study should be noted: (1) over a third of the sample (35%) failed to complete the interview or could not be contacted; (2) no interviews were conducted in single-parent households; and (3) data were not collected on parents' acts of violence toward children under the age of three. In light of these sources of "missing data," it is possible that the rates of violence reported by Straus and his associates may actually under-estimate the overall prevalence of domestic violence in the U.S. The measure of domestic violence in this study was the "Conflict Tactics Scale" that Straus developed. This multi-item scale includes non-violent methods of conflict resolution in domestic situations, such as discussion and compromise, as well as relatively mild forms of violence, such as pushing or shoving (see the list on page 3 of this unit). However, Straus et al. focus most of their attention on potentially injurious forms of abusive violence: "acts where people punched, kicked, or bit a family member, hit the person with a hard object, 'beat up' another person, or shot, or tried to shoot, stabbed, or tried to stab, another family member" (1980: 22). The following graph depicts regional variations in three types of abusive violence and shows that acts of violence between siblings (child-to-child) are by far the most common form of domestic violence (adapted from Straus et al., 1980: 128-129). Nearly half of the households with two or more children was the scene of abusive sibling violence within the year preceding the survey. In contrast, parent to child violence was reported in about 15 percent of households and couple violence (including both male-to-female and female-to-male violence) occurred in 7 percent of families. It is interesting that the South shows the lowest rate of abusive violence of parents toward children, casting doubt on criminological theories and popular stereotypes about a "southern subculture of violence." |
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Abusive Violence by Type and Region |
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Employment and Abusive ViolenceEconomic stress is among the primary factors that Straus et al. find to be associated with the incidence of abusive violence in American households. For instance, as shown in the following graph, they find a strong relationship between the employment status of husbands and abusive violence toward children and spouses. As compared to households where the husband is employed full time, families with a husband who is employed part time show nearly twice the rate of parent-to-child violence and three times the rate of violence between spouses. Families with unemployed husbands also show substantially higher rates of abusive violence than those with husbands who are employed full time. Reflecting on the implications of these findings, Straus et al. (1980: 150) suggest that "it would certainly not be unreasonable to expect that the rates, and deadly toll, of family violence would fluctuate with national and local rates of unemployment." The next time you hear that the unemployment rate has risen, think about the potential implications of this for what goes on "behind closed doors." |
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Abusive Violence by Husband's Employment Status |
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